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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, (right) huddles with US President Donald Trump (second right) French President Emmanuel Macron (left), and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer at the funeral of Pope Francis at the Vatican on April 26.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, (right) huddles with US President Donald Trump (second right) French President Emmanuel Macron (left), and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer at the funeral of Pope Francis at the Vatican on April 26.

Welcome to Wider Europe, RFE/RL's newsletter focusing on the key issues concerning the European Union, NATO, and other institutions and their relationships with the Western Balkans and Europe's Eastern neighborhoods.

I'm RFE/RL Europe Editor Rikard Jozwiak, and this week I am drilling down on two issues: the European game plan for the Ukraine-Russia talks, and whether the next pope will be Hungarian.

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Briefing #1: What's Europe's Game Plan For Ukraine-Russia Peace Talks?

What You Need To Know: Over the past week, European nations largely represented by France, Germany, and the United Kingdom have tried their best to engage in talks between the United States, Ukraine, and Russia. There were a number of rather successful high-level meetings in Paris on April 17 and one in London six days later that ended up being politically downgraded after Secretary of State Marco Rubio and special envoy Steve Witkoff pulled out. The snub reportedly came over Kyiv's unwillingness to agree to a peace plan involving the recognition of Russia's illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula.

After speaking with several European diplomats familiar with the matter, it's clear that something of a game plan has emerged in response. The first priority is keeping the Americans onboard and keeping them talking to the Ukrainians. Exactly how successful this aim can be is up in the air, as Washington has threatened to walk away if no progress is made soon. The officials I talked to, however, believe this could be a negotiation tactic aimed to pressure Ukraine, saying Trump has a penchant for playing tough in public only to go back to the negotiation table later -- as evidenced by the way he has enacted and retracted sweeping trade tariffs in recent weeks.

Deep Background: The Europeans are keen to secure what they call a "sequencing," meaning first a cease-fire observed by both sides followed by lasting peace. The belief is that this could ensure more of Ukraine's security interests are guaranteed and that not everything is on Moscow’s terms. There is hope that Ukraine's willingness to observe a cease-fire in the past month -- and Russia's failure to do so -- shows that Kyiv is acting in good faith and not Moscow. This would also buy the Europeans time to assemble a "reassurance force" in the Western part of Ukraine with at least some sort of American political backing, even though American participation seems off the table, according to the European diplomats I spoke with. The current thinking is less of a "boots on the ground" presence and more toward air patrolling with the aim of securing Lviv airport and the surrounding areas as a transport hub for Ukraine. The Europeans are also keen to continue military aid to the country. Although there is an understanding that it might be impossible to completely fill the void left by the United States, there's hope that European money will keep flowing and the new German government in place in early May will be more forthcoming, notably on providing Kyiv with long-awaited Taurus cruise missiles.

Drilling Down

• As for some of America's demands for a potential peace proposal, the Europeans are also crystal-clear. There will never be a de jure recognition of Crimea as part of Russia -- unless, of course, Ukraine agrees to it. De facto recognition of the lands currently under Russian control is another matter. Ukrainian NATO membership being off the table can also be swallowed.

• Several European states hid behind the United States when, under the Biden administration, it nixed the prospects of inviting Ukraine into the military alliance at both the NATO summit in Vilnius in 2023 and in Washington a year later.

• Eventual EU membership, though, is another matter. Brussels and all key European capitals are adamant Moscow has no say in that. According to diplomats familiar with the proposed American peace deal, Russia accepts that Ukraine could join the bloc.

• A so-called Cyprus scenario, which means all of Ukraine could at some point be considered part of the club whereas in fact only those parts under Kyiv's control would be, is the most likely solution.

• One thing that appears off the table for now, to much European relief, is the call for new elections in Ukraine, a point that diplomats told me has quietly disappeared from American talking points after it was initially mentioned as a potential condition. I have heard that Russia still might want to push for it.

• Then there are the sanctions. While the United States has offered Russia sanctions relief, the Europeans are not in favor. You would need unanimity to lift the measures now, and that unanimity simply doesn't exist.

• In fact, I was told Paris and Berlin want to pile up pressure on Russia and, in particular, enact more restrictive measures in the coming weeks.A 17th round of restrictive measures against the Kremlin was in the works already after the deadly Russian attacks on the Ukrainian cities of Sumy and Kryviy Rih earlier in April, and Brussels will now speed up those efforts.

• The EU is also finalizing asset freezes and visa bans against 15 Russians accused of carrying out hybrid attacks on the EU in a separate sanctions package. As with all things related to Russia, EU officials admit it will be hard to get Hungary to give the green light and that is why the next package is likely to be symbolic rather than hard-hitting.

• They also need to secure Budapest's consent to roll over sectoral sanctions on Russia in July. There are plenty of worries that this won’t happen and that even other member states will start picking out sanctions measures they don't like, hence the scrambling for alternatives to keep the sanction measures alive.

• The one item that most countries want to save are the near 200 billion euros of frozen Russian assets in the bloc, not least of all because the EU would like to use this sum as a bargaining chip against Moscow to pay for the reconstruction of Ukraine.

• The windfall profits from frozen assets currently bankrolls Ukraine's military needs, and the 45 billion euro G7 loan propping up Kyiv's macrofinancial needs for 2025 is backed up using frozen assets as a collateral. So Europe will want to sustain at least some sanctions on Russia going forward.

Cardinal Peter Erdo reacts as he enters a vehicle at the Vatican on April 22.
Cardinal Peter Erdo reacts as he enters a vehicle at the Vatican on April 22.

Briefing #2: Will Pope Francis's Successor Be Hungarian?

What You Need To Know: With the passing of Pope Francis on April 21, the speculation about who will succeed him as head of the Holy See is already in full swing. One of the front-runners, at least according to bookmakers, is Peter Erdo, the archbishop of Esztergom-Budapest. The 72-year-old Hungarian cardinal has held several prominent roles within the Catholic Church in recent decades and was a potential candidate to become the bishop of Rome already back in 2013, when Francis ultimately was chosen.

So what chances does Erdo have to replace the Argentine? And perhaps more interestingly, what is his relationship with Hungary's increasingly authoritarian conservative prime minister, Viktor Orban?

Make no mistake about it, Erdo is very much "papabile" -- a term used for candidates who are regarded as viable for the papacy. Technically any baptized Catholic male is eligible, but ever since the 14th century only cardinals, the senior members of the clergy, have been selected. Currently there are 252 cardinals, but that number dwindles to 135 with voting power, as only those under 80 can cast a ballot. Erdo could manage to secure the necessary two-thirds of the vote at the Papal Conclave that is set to commence in early May (no earlier than 16 days after the pope's passing, according to the current rules).

Deep Background: His cardinal resume is glittering. Between 2006 and 2016 he headed the Council of European Episcopal Conferences, a key organization representing Europe's Catholic bishops. This is not without significance, as European cardinals still form the biggest voting bloc in the upcoming conclave. But it's not only the European credentials he has honed. Heading the council meant that he has been in regular contact with the African, Asian, and Latin American equivalences, building up lots of links with the Global South, seen as the emerging powerhouses of the church. The fact that he is fluent in both Italian and Latin -- two crucial languages for higher offices in this part of Rome -- and is a recognized expert in canonical law, which governs the way the Catholic Church is run, also gives him good stead among a select few. Perhaps his crowning achievement is to have secured the International Eucharistic Congress for his hometown, Budapest, in 2021. The congress, which typically takes place every four years, is a massive gathering of both clergy, including the Pope, as well as common practitioners and involves big open-air masses. This provided him with a perfect platform both for visibility and to secure the necessary contacts both within the Vatican and across the Catholic parishes of the world. Perhaps his biggest strength, though, and the reason he might prevail in the end, is his pragmatism. Although Erdo is seen as a conservative who, for example, openly speaks out against divorced Catholics receiving holy communion, he cooperated with the more progressive Francis and refrained from criticizing him openly, unlike others on the traditionalist flank. The pope even tapped him to help organize special Vatican meetings on family issues, and Francis visited Hungary twice during his 12-year tenure.

Drilling Down:

• But what about Erdo's links to Hungary's ruling Fidesz party and Orban, who styles himself as a defender of Judeo-Christian values, notably against the EU institutions he claims are against both nations and Christianity in general?

• The Hungarian state budget sponsors the Catholic Church, like many other recognized churches, in various ways and generously. It notably does this through direct support via financing of religious education, paying reparations for assets seized during the Communist regime, or simply bankrolling events like the above-mentioned International Eucharistic Congress.

• Politically, during the migrant crisis that swept Europe in 2015, Erdo likened accepting migrants to facilitating human trafficking. It was a statement that seemed more in line with the Hungarian prime minister's more combative approach than that of Pope Francis's more tolerant view on the matter.

• Erdo did, however, shortly thereafter warn about turning religions against each other and questioned whether a continent really can be called Christian -- seemingly going against Orban's outspokenness about the so-called Islamization of Europe.

• He seems to take the same pragmatic approach to the Hungarian government as he has with the various factions of the Catholic Church. While he himself has never openly endorsed the party, Catholic priests across the country have often told their congregations to vote for Fidesz.

• Erdo has picked his fights carefully with Budapest. He has remained silent over some laws adopted in recent years but been vocal on others. For example, he refused to openly criticize the regulation against homelessness passed in 2018 -- an issue that went against the teachings of Pope Francis. When it came to the move by the Hungarian government to nationalize IVF clinics a year later, he did not hold out on criticism.

• While most Vatican watchers still believe the Catholic Church now might select its first-ever African or Asian pope, a compromise candidate to stabilize the various fractions after the progressive and tumultuous years of Francis might very well be the primate of Hungary.

Looking Ahead

There is an interesting case to be settled at the European Court of Justice on April 30 pertaining to the EU’s sanctions on Russia. The bloc has imposed restrictions on exporting banknotes denominated in an official currency of any EU member state even though there are exemptions for personal use. A regional court in Frankfurt has brought up a case in which a woman travelling from city’s airport to Moscow via Istanbul with nearly 15,000 euro was stopped and most of the money seized. The woman claimed the money was for various medical treatments she was planning to do in Russia and the court will now have to determine who wide the sanctions scope really is in this case.

That's all for this week!

Feel free to reach out to me on any of these issues on Twitter @RikardJozwiak, or on e-mail at jozwiakr@rferl.org.

Until next time,

Rikard Jozwiak

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition subscribe here.

Leaders from the countries in Ukraine's "coalition of the willing" pose for a family picture during a summit in Paris on March 27.
Leaders from the countries in Ukraine's "coalition of the willing" pose for a family picture during a summit in Paris on March 27.

Welcome to Wider Europe, RFE/RL's new newsletter focusing on the key issues concerning the European Union, NATO, and other institutions and their relationships with the Western Balkans and Europe's Eastern neighborhoods.

I'm RFE/RL Europe Editor Rikard Jozwiak, and this week I am drilling down on the uncertain path of the "coalition of the willing" forming a potential military mission to Ukraine, and the efforts by European allies to define what post-cease-fire security support in Ukraine could look like.

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Assembling A 'Reassurance Force'

Among diplomats, Ukraine's "coalition of the willing" is jokingly referred to as "the coalition of the waiting."

Formed in early March to establish a military mission to Ukraine to support a peace plan ending Russia's full-scale invasion of its neighbor, now in its fourth year, there have been few details of what the coalition -- a loose grouping of largely European NATO nations as well as countries such as Australia, Canada, Japan and New Zealand -- exactly has in mind.

Earlier this month, a joint French-British technical team traveled to Ukraine to assess the needs of Kyiv for a "reassurance force." And on April 10 the defense ministers of the coalition met at NATO headquarters in Brussels for the first time.

The same coalition is expected to meet at the leaders' level on May 9 in Kyiv.

Despite all the gatherings and fanfare, very little, if anything, has in fact been decided, largely because there are too many unknowns at this stage. What will a potential cease-fire look like? What role, if any, would the United States play? And even if few Western officials want to admit this: What are the rules of engagement?

The European diplomats RFE/RL has spoken to under the condition of anonymity described the initial weeks of the group as "prudent planning," "getting our ducks in a row," or coming up with "what-if scenarios."

"Or, what-when [scenarios], if you want me to be more optimistic," added one diplomat.

Questionnaires And Answers

Paris and London -- which is very much taking the wheel in this process -- sent out a questionnaire on April 11 to all members, asking them which capabilities their country would be willing to deploy to Ukraine: How many airplanes, ships, drones, or even boots on the ground could be available at short notice?

The answers were due on April 18, and, once tallied, some sort of concrete timelines and scenarios could theoretically emerge.

To be fair, there are a few contours already.

Diplomats tell me the working assumption is that deployment would be for five years. It's ambitious, but the plan is for the first troops to be in Ukraine 72 hours after a full cease-fire is announced. They wouldn't, however, go anywhere near the conflict zone.

One diplomat told me there would likely be a buffer zone around a frozen contact line -- perhaps observed by the United Nations -- followed by a line of Ukrainian soldiers and then, far from any front, a contingency of the coalition of the willing.

Securing The Skies

There are varying ideas floating around what such a contingency can do.

One option on the table is that it would guard critical infrastructure in Western Ukraine. More specifically, it would create a "safe zone" around Lviv for airplanes to land. For this potential air component, both France and the United Kingdom have strong enough air forces, but also a country like the Netherlands could potentially contribute.

"If we talk about safe skies, of course we know that with the current capacity of Ukraine they are not able to do that alone, so they need support in this," Dutch Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans told RFE/RL on the sidelines of the recent coalition meeting in Brussels.

"It's relatively easy to say how much countries can commit," he added. "In the Netherlands we have F-35s, for example, and we know of course how much capacity our F- 35s have and how many we can deploy. So that's not the difficult part; the difficult part is setting up the whole mission and making clear what the air element is going to do."

An even more ambitious idea being floated is for the coalition to be present at what one European official referred to as the "flanks" -- meaning near the Belarusian border or around Odesa.

The former would make sense with a view of the expected big "Zapad" exercises this autumn with a large number of Russian troops expected in Belarus.

A placement in Odesa, however, could be connected to the maritime component that so far seems the most developed aspect of the plans so far.

At the meeting in Brussels on April 10, Turkey declared it was ready to assume responsibility in this area. Essentially Ankara would continue to keep grain routes open for Ukrainian and international ships, potentially clear mines in the Black Sea, and take charge of being the framework nation for a future multinational maritime force in the region.

How Many Foreign Troops Would Be In Ukraine?

The diplomats RFE/RL spoke to mentioned a figure of around 30,000 boots on the ground, although it was footnoted as "an ideal number that might be hard to reach."

Such a number is essentially two full military divisions, but ideally another 90,000 would be needed to provide a rotational reserve.

Can the coalition really assemble anything close to that?

The problem is that most countries are remaining noncommittal due to all the uncertainty surrounding prospects of any cease-fire between Russia and Ukraine.

France and the United Kingdom are leading the push, and the Baltic trio of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are onboard, as well. Then there are nations like Belgium, Denmark, and the Netherlands, which are described as "forward-leaning." Germany is tied up at the moment with building its own government coalition, but there is hope that if Berlin eventually commits, others will fall in line.

"Russia hawks" like the Czech Republic and Poland are looking to their upcoming respective elections later this year, and some frontline states are saying they'd rather keep their military leaders closer to home than sending them east.

One diplomat confided to RFE/RL after the Brussels summit that most countries are not really "revealing their cards."

"They're attending the meetings, but they're rather in listening mode and perhaps add that they are supporting the endeavor in very general terms," they told me.

Russia And The United States

The two elephants in the room are the United States and Russia. While France, according to diplomats, is adamant no so-called American backstop is needed for a potential mission, others are more hesitant. They say US enablers are needed in at least two areas: logistics and intelligence.

In short, the Europeans can't carry out larger-scale missions without American help -- think of the moving of troops and the air cargo needed to transport military equipment quickly. And while both Britain and France have good intelligence, Washington is the one who can share advanced satellite images.

US President Donald Trump has so far refused to provide any assurances that the United States will back up European efforts. At the same time, though, European diplomats note that it's hard for America to commit to anything when the Europeans don't even have a proper plan in the first place.

What About Article 5?

But Washington's potential involvement goes far beyond satellite images and air lifts, at least according to Hanno Pevkur, Estonia's defense minister, who spoke to RFE/RL on April 10.

"When we talk about the backstop, when we talk the enablers, then it's the question about how to secure the forces and what will be the response if something happens," he said. "This is why we have to be very clear that no soldier will go to any battle -- whether it is a Ukrainian soldier or a European soldier from some other countries -- when they don't know what they can do. And when they do something, do they have the cavalry behind their back, helping them if there is a necessity?"

Most of this comes down , ultimately, to Russia and the rules of engagement. If Moscow fires at a Western mission, will they return fire or run? Even though it isn't a NATO mission, there is talk that a reassurance force of NATO countries could be covered by the military alliance's mutual defense clause, Article 5.

Does this mean a full-scale NATO-Russia war would break out if they were targeted? One ambassador told RFE/RL that Article 5 doesn't necessarily mean a full-scale response, but rather could be a targeted one such as hitting Russian positions in the occupied part of Ukraine.

The Porcupine Option

For many, this is playing with fire. And again, it's far from certain whether the United States would be onboard with any of these options.

Instead, officials are betting on an alternative plan for Ukraine -- for the moment, at least: the porcupine option. This means arming Ukraine to the teeth so it can withstand future Russian attacks or even deter the Kremlin completely from ever attacking again.

"The only question now is not how many European forces will be in Ukraine but what weapons and finances will be delivered to the Ukrainian military that currently consists of hundreds of thousands of troops that will be defending Ukraine from a future aggression," one European military planner put it to RFE/RL.

Another diplomat with insight into the talks noted something similar when it comes to supporting Kyiv: "Many countries are increasingly seeing this as the best option, instead of potentially risking their own soldiers to die in Ukraine."

Looking Ahead

This week the exhumation of the remains of Poles massacred by Ukrainian nationalists during World War II will resume in western Ukraine after a standstill in the process that has lasted since 2017.

The Volhynia massacres took place between 1943 and 1945, resulting in an estimated 100,000 dead.

Contrasting interpretations of the events have caused plenty of tensions between Poland and Ukraine, with Warsaw even threatening to block Kyiv’s path to EU membership over the issue. However, in late 2024, Ukraine announced that the exhumations can resume and that the two countries will increase cooperation on the issue.

That's all for this week!

Feel free to reach out to me on any of these issues on X @RikardJozwiak, or on e-mail at jozwiakr@rferl.org.

Until next time,

Rikard Jozwiak

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition subscribe here

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About The Newsletter

The Wider Europe newsletter briefs you every Tuesday morning on key issues concerning the EU, NATO, and other institutions’ relationships with the Western Balkans and Europe’s Eastern neighborhoods.

For more than a decade as a correspondent in Brussels, Rikard Jozwiak covered all the major events and crises related to the EU’s neighborhood and how various Western institutions reacted to them -- the war in Georgia, the annexation of Crimea, Russia’s support for separatists in eastern Ukraine, the downing of MH17, dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo, the EU and NATO enlargement processes in the Western Balkans, as well as visa liberalizations, free-trade deals, and countless summits.

Now out of the “Brussels bubble,” but still looking in -- this time from the heart of Europe, in Prague -- he continues to focus on the countries where Brussels holds huge sway, but also faces serious competition from other players, such as Russia and, increasingly, China.

To subscribe, click here.

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